Author: Saagen Soren
While the representation of women MPs/MLAs across India is already low, standing at 9%, another concerning factor is their representation within the party itself and how it determines their effective influence on decision-making. Rai (2012) notes that narratives from women MPs unmistakably convey a significant frustration with and reliance on political parties. These narratives clearly demonstrate women’s reliance on party leadership, with changes in leadership acknowledged as potentially opening new pathways to parliamentary engagement. Concurrently, it is acknowledged that gendered institutional power dynamics within political parties can pose formidable barriers to women’s political advancement.
These stories portray political parties as intricate and nuanced terrains for women, encompassing both opportunities and challenges in this complex political landscape. The study notes that there were 1,351 candidates from six nationally recognised parties, 801 candidates from 36 state parties, and 2,385 independents in the 14th Indian parliamentary elections in 2004. With an average of ten candidates per constituency, women’s representation was difficult, with only 12.8 per cent of female candidates winning seats. Major parties, such as the Congress and the BJP, nominated a small number of women, and 67.32 per cent of female candidates forfeited their deposits, highlighting the difficulty of securing winnable seats. Despite discussions in political parties prompted by the 73rd and 74th Amendments about gender quotas, the implementation of such policies remains variable. Another salient observation from Rai’s study pertains to the limited representation of women, predominantly composed of individuals with established political backgrounds and substantial familial support, notably influenced by male-centric networks. Individuals from privileged and elite socioeconomic backgrounds currently comprise most of women in parliamentary roles. This prevalent trend accentuates the continued marginalization of women from lower socioeconomic strata, highlighting the difficulties that people from less affluent backgrounds face in gaining access to parliamentary representation. Such patterns underscore the potential limitations of their participation in the political sphere, raising questions about the substantive impact of their involvement in broader political discourse.
Rai (2017) further points out that prominent Indian female politicians, such as Indira Gandhi and Mayawati, have been reluctant to share power with other female politicians. The lack of female representation within India’s inner political party framework exacerbates challenges for women seeking to advocate for resources, gain support, and cultivate political constituencies. This constraint extends to mobilizing the necessary financial and human resources to meet the public’s needs and aspirations. As a result, women may be perceived as less powerful representatives and face opposition as potential political leaders. Women may find themselves in vulnerable positions when their numbers are small, leading to alliances based on caste, religion, and regional identities rather than shared gendered interests.
Prior to deliberations on instituting a reservation quota for such representation, a comprehensive analysis of the quota dynamics inherent in the existing representation of women at the parliamentary and state assembly levels is required. To ensure a substantive presence of diverse voices within these legislative bodies, it is critical to ensure the representation of marginalized women in parliamentary proceedings. This necessity is emphasized by statements made by Jaipal Singh Munda, an Adivasi Parliamentarian, during his constituent assembly deliberations. His specific inquiry into the lack of an Adivasi woman member in both the constituent assembly and the Advisory Committee emphasizes the importance of filling this void in representative diversity (History of India, 2023).
Jenseius (2016) explains how quotas for women and ethnic minorities aim to enhance diversity in political institutions. However, since they often focus on one group at a time, there’s a risk of unintentionally reinforcing inequalities within that specific group. Research on quotas addressing both gender and minority representation indicates that certain subgroups, especially those facing ‘double barriers’ like minority-group women, may encounter challenges and struggle to secure representation as either women or minorities. Yet, in different scenarios, minority-group women have been observed to secure higher representation compared to minority-group men. This occurs because political parties can leverage the ‘complementarity bonus,’ counting someone as both a woman and a minority. Analyzing an extensive dataset encompassing over 450,000 candidates in India’s state assembly elections and more than 77,000 candidates in federal parliamentary elections, spanning from 1961 to 2015, reveals temporal variations in the nomination rates of women. In the early 1960s, women were nominated at slightly lower rates for seats reserved for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) compared to other seats. This trend persisted in the 1970s and 1980s, but a significant shift occurred in the 1990s and 2000s, with considerably higher nomination rates for women, especially in reserved constituencies. This shift can be attributed to the proposal to introduce the Women’s Reservation Bill following the 1996 elections, spurred by increased pressure from women’s activist groups. In response, political parties publicly committed to nominating more women to Parliament, while still avoiding the full passage of the Women’s Reservation Bill. These actions can be seen as reactions to the growing demand for greater female representation. Consequently, parties may have strategically (or unintentionally) nominated more female candidates, potentially at the expense of less influential male politicians, especially those from SC and ST backgrounds.
Another perspective suggests that the increase in women candidates in reserved constituencies may signify that quotas for ethnic minorities have created a more accessible political space for women. This shift raises critical questions about how informal party practices may impede the political empowerment of both women and minority groups in India. Reserved seats for SCs and STs follow a rotational system, where only individuals demonstrating SC or ST status can contest elections in the corresponding constituencies. However, voters from all demographic groups can participate. This quota system has integrated SC and ST politicians into mainstream political parties, aligning them with the party’s stance rather than solely advocating for group-specific interests. Despite holding influential positions, politicians from SC and ST backgrounds in reserved constituencies encounter subtle forms of discrimination and are often perceived as comparatively ‘weaker’ than their counterparts in non-reserved areas. The reserved constituencies themselves are less competitive than non-reserved ones (Jensenius, 2013).
These observations signify that “loopholes” in the political system have been in use to undermine the representation of Indian women for a long time before the recent introduction of the Women’s Reservation Bill, which comes into effect during the 2029 General Elections. Additionally, there still exists a lack of any formal reservation for women candidates at the state level as well. The use of reservation for securing a surface level representation of women is an additional impediment to actual representation of women’s issues, as the candidates of these reserved seats are often valued lesser in comparison to other candidates from general category seats on account of discrimination.
The utilization of reservations to merely secure a superficial representation of women poses an additional obstacle to addressing the substantive issues faced by women. Candidates in these reserved seats often face devaluation in comparison to their counterparts in general category seats, leading to discriminatory practices that hinder their effective representation. This dual challenge, encompassing both the delayed implementation of the Women’s Reservation Bill and the absence of state-level reservations, exacerbates the struggle for authentic and meaningful representation of women’s issues in Indian politics.The utilization of reservations to merely secure a superficial representation of women poses an additional obstacle to addressing the substantive issues faced by women. Candidates in these reserved seats often face devaluation in comparison to their counterparts in general category seats, leading to discriminatory practices that hinder their effective representation. This dual challenge, encompassing both the delayed implementation of the Women’s Reservation Bill and the absence of state-level reservations, exacerbates the struggle for authentic and meaningful representation of women’s issues in Indian politics.The utilization of reservations to merely secure a superficial representation of women poses an additional obstacle to addressing the substantive issues faced by women. Candidates in these reserved seats often face devaluation in comparison to their counterparts in general category seats, leading to discriminatory practices that hinder their effective representation. This dual challenge, encompassing both the delayed implementation of the Women’s Reservation Bill and the absence of state-level reservations, exacerbates the struggle for authentic and meaningful representation of women’s issues in Indian politics.
